The majority of people are unaware of the economic
condition before the appearance of the free market. To believe intellectuals
that life before the Industrial Revolution was happy and prosperous, and that
capitalism brought nothing but misery is proof that most people these days do
not know the past.
"The Anti-Capitalistic Mentality" is to analyze
the roots and results of ideas that hate the free enterprise.
The way to achieve prosperity is open in a capitalist
society. It is acquired by those who satisfy the masses by providing products
that are either cheaper or better. It is in this context that we must
understand the concept of "consumer sovereignty."
In other words, those who serve the majority will receive
greater income or greater profit than those who satisfy the wants of the
minority.
Mises himself gave us a hint about what's wrong in our
time. He said that the desire for the advancement of economic well-being is
normal and appropriate.
The closeness of similarity between most nations'
societies to aristocrat society is an outcome of anti-capitalistic mentality. Most
states and political parties, which include both conservative and
"progressive" foes of capitalism are determined to destroy this
economic system.
Psychological
Roots for the Denigration of Capitalism
1. Search for Scapegoat
Reading this economic insight shows that if anyone wants
bigger income or profit, he must place himself in the industry that has big
demand and he must equip himself with the necessary skills required by the
market. If he is not willing to do this, he cannot blame anyone for his meager
income.
The free market is such a society. Those who fail resent the
achievements of those who succeed. A fool releases his indignation by verbally
maligning the achievers. . In such a system, it is not enough to be brilliant,
efficient, and industrious to be successful. Honesty and decency are punished.
2. Cover-up for Hatred
The vilification of capitalism is coming from
intellectuals' hatred and envy of the success of their colleagues. Mises
explained the nature of this hatred. Unlike ordinary men who do not have the
opportunity to associate with those who succeed in life, the intellectuals know
personally and encounter daily their colleagues who went ahead of them. "To
understand the intellectual's abhorrence of capitalism one must realize that in
his mind this system is incarnated in a definite number of compeers whose
success he resents and whom he makes responsible for the frustration of his own
far-flung ambitions.
3. Socialites'
Isolation
). Mises identified the members of this gathering as the
"statesmen and parliamentary leaders, the heads of the various departments
of the civil service, publishers and editors of the main newspapers and
magazines, prominent writers, scientists, artists, actors, musicians,
engineers, lawyers and physicians" and "together with outstanding
businessmen," "scions of aristocratic and patrician families".
4. Conceit and
Resentment of White-Collar Workers
it refers to the experience of white-collar workers. Mises
described it as resentment, but I see it as more of conceit. Mises explained
that a white-collar worker has "two special afflictions peculiar to his
own category" (p. 21). The white-collar worker due to apparent similarity,
tends to equate his task with his boss', and considers his
"intellectual" assignment is higher than the manual workers of the firm.
He cannot understand and it makes him angry to see that the manual workers
receive more respect and a higher salary.
5. Disgruntled
Relatives of Capitalist Families
Another interesting psychological root for the
vilification of capitalism can be traced from disgruntled relatives of
capitalist families. Mises described them as "cousins" referring to
the "brothers, cousins, nephews of the bosses, more often their sisters,
widowed sisters-in-law, female cousins, nieces and so on" (p. 27). These
relatives financially support various types of projects that promote
anti-capitalistic mentality.
6. Entertainers' Expectation of Deliverance
from Public Capriciousness
The final psychological root comes from the entertainment
industry. As we all know, many entertainers live an affluent lifestyle, and so
it is difficult to accept that "Hollywood and Broadway, the world-famous
centers of the entertainment industry, are hotbeds of communism".
To understand this phenomenon, one must first start with a
comparison between the products offered by manufacturers and the entertainers.
In the case of manufacturers, they sell tangible goods, which provide a measure of stability that the entertainment industry does not have. In the
case of entertainers, they are primarily dependent on the wishes and
capriciousness of the public. People are bored, and that is why they
"buy" the entertainers' "products." But people are very
difficult to please for they crave for something "new," "unexpected,"
and "surprising".
Mises accepts the very nature of the public and no relief
can be found to cure the uneasiness of stage performers. However, in their
search for a remedy, some of them think that communism will give them
deliverance.
A
Social Philosophy - Two Kinds of Progressives
1. The
Unfortunate State of Economic Ignorance
The reason for this unfortunate state is not only due to
the inherent difficulty of the subject that requires unusual and demanding
intellectual exertion, but also due to general impressions that the study of
the subject is considered "strange," "repulsive,"
"nonsensical," and often "viewed with suspicion".
2. Material
Productive Forces' Continuous Evolution
Corollary to the failure to account for the real cause of
economic progress, our common man improperly ascribed all economic development
to "natural sciences and technology" (p. 36) and he saw them as
"self-acting" toward continuous development regardless of
"political and economic organization of society".
3. Three
Progressive Classes
Let us see the role of these progressives in economic
well-being. For Mises', the increase in productivity is not due to labor per se but
the use of better tools and machines, which is made possible through "the
accumulation and investment of more capital" through saving. In fact,
"Every step forward on the way toward prosperity is the effect of
saving". Entrepreneurs "employ the capital goods made available by
the savers for the most economical satisfaction of the most urgent among the
not yet satisfied wants of the consumers". Saving and the accumulation of
capital when they surpass population growth have two advantageous results, an increase of marginal productivity of labor and a reduction in the price of goods.
It is exactly the availability of the supply of capital that distinguishes
"progressive" (which the mainstream describes as developed countries)
from backward countries.
4.
Misrepresentation of Capitalism
Our common man thinks that the wealth of the wealthy is
the primary cause of poverty. He failed to see that the mark of big business
is mass production aimed towards mass consumption, in which the workers are the
main consumers. He could not understand that "the entrepreneurs, the
capitalists, and the technologists prosper as far as they succeed in best supplying
the consumers".
The Progressives. "Unorthodox dogmatism" is
Mises' summary description of the taboos of progressivism. He described it as
"self-contradictory and confused mixture of various doctrines incompatible
with one another". Concerning sources of dogmas, it is eclectic "at
its worst, a garbled collection of surmises borrowed from fallacies and
misconceptions long since exploded. It includes scraps from many socialist
authors, both 'utopian' and 'scientific Marxian,' from the German Historical
School, the Fabians, the American Institutionalists, the French Syndicalists,
the Technocrats. It repeats errors of Godwin, Carlyle, Ruskin, Bismarck, Sorel,
Veblen and a host of less well-known men"
The progressives' basic accusation "against
capitalism is that the recurrence of crisis and depressions and mass
unemployment is its inherent features". Exposing these economic problems
as products of government intervention silence the progressives, and since they
cannot give a credible response to "economists, they try to conceal them
from the people and especially also from the intellectuals and the university
students. Any mentioning of these heresies is strictly forbidden. Their authors
are called names, and the students are dissuaded from reading their 'crazy
stuff' ".
Three
Fundamental Errors
Instead of giving a detailed analysis of the mentioned
"moderate" stance, Mises just focused on giving an overview of the
three fundamental errors inherent in it.
1. The first mistake is related to the erroneous diagnosis
of the nature of the ideological problem. "The great ideological
conflict of our age," says Mises is neither about the distribution of
business profit nor class warfare. Instead, it is about the struggle
"concerning the choice of the most adequate system of society's economic
organization". Mises explains the nature of this struggle:
2. The second error is the failure to see the similarity
of the economic system of both socialism and communism. Yes, it is true that
under socialism, the "anti-communist bourgeois" are not assassinated
and that the secret documents of a nation are not submitted to a
"superior" socialist nation. In this instance, socialism is more
moderate than communism. But besides this, there is no difference between the
two especially when it comes "to the ultimate goal of political
action;" both socialism and communism are aiming for "public control
of all the means of production".
3. The third error is the naive belief about the
possibility of a third economic system resulting from a combination of both
socialism and capitalism. Affirming this possibility springs from ignorance
to understand the real nature of both socialism and capitalism. They "are
two distinct patterns of social organization” for socialism is based on public
control of the means of production, whereas capitalism can only exist if
"private control of the means of production" is protected. There
cannot be a reconciliation between these two. Economists call this form of the economic system "interventionism" and for Marx and Engels, when
they "advocated definite interventionist measures, they did not mean to
recommend a compromise between socialism and capitalism". Mises perceives
them as stepping stones on the way to "the establishment of full
communism". Therefore, "the social and economic philosophy of the
progressives is a plea for socialism and communism". "Mixed
economy" or "a middle-of-the-road solution" does not exist.
Expecting it to be so is to believe in the illusion.
Capitalism, with its promise of material well-being, cannot
make people happy. Mises' first objection deals with this subject of happiness,
and he puts it in a way similar to this: Possession of the latest gadgets does
not make people happy, and besides, there are lots of people who do not have
those gadgets.
Capitalism promotes social injustice, and therefore must
be discarded and replaced.
The primary trouble with the above idea of justice is that
it ignores scarcity, which is a fundamental economic reality. And not only
that, apart from man's use of reason, there is no way for him to protect
himself from the threat to human life displays by the operation inherent in
nature. The truth is, the expansion of wealth is not natural. It is an outcome
of the division of labor, which is a product of human reason.
Concerning the Nature of Capital. In dealing with this
topic, Mises explained the basic ideas surrounding the subject of capital and
the relationship between capital and population growth.
"Capital is not a free gift of God or of nature. It
is the outcome of a provident restriction of consumption on the part of man. It
is created and increased by saving and maintained by the abstention from
dissaving".
"What is required to raise, in the
absence of an increase in the number of workers employed, the total amount of.
. . industrial output is the investment of additional capital that can only be
accumulated by new savings. It is those saving and investing to whom credit is
to be given for the multiplication of the productivity of the total labor
force".
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